From Movement to Multiparty — The Road We Walked
On 28th July 2005, Ugandans went to the polls in a national referendum and voted overwhelmingly to return to a multiparty political dispensation. That day closed a 19-year chapter of the Movement system — 1986 to 2005 — which was anchored on individual merit, no-party politics, and consensus building after years of civil strife. The Movement had stabilized a broken nation. But by 2005, the country had matured. Ugandans demanded choice, competition, and ideological identity. The referendum answer was clear: open the political space.
What we see today — dozens of registered political parties, new formations before every election cycle, and robust contestation from village to Parliament — is not political confusion. It is democracy deepening its roots. The mushrooming of parties is the clearest barometer that Ugandans now own their politics.
1. The Historical Arc: 1980 to 2006 — Democracy Interrupted, Democracy Restored
To appreciate today’s multiparty scene, we must recall where we came from. The 1980 general elections were the last truly multiparty contest for a generation. Four parties stood: Uganda People’s Congress under President Apollo Milton Obote, Conservative Party under Mayanja Nkangi, Democratic Party under Dr. Paul Kawanga Ssemwogerere, and Uganda Patriotic Movement under Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. The aftermath of that election, disputed and violent, pushed the country into war and later into the no-party Movement system.
For 19 years the Movement system served its purpose: unity, recovery, and basic governance. But by 2003, Parliament and the Executive agreed that Uganda was ready for competition. The 28th July 2005 referendum formally restored multiparty politics. The 2006 general elections became the first test. Many parties competed, but the landscape quickly crystallized around two pillars: the National Resistance Movement led by President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and the Forum for Democratic Change under Dr. Kizza Besigye. That binary contest was necessary. A young multiparty system needed strong institutional anchors.
2. 2011 to 2026: The Explosion of Choice
If 2006 was the foundation, the next four election cycles became the building. Each cycle produced new political vehicles, new voices, and new constituencies.
2011 and 2016: Beyond NRM and FDC, Ugandans saw DP reorganize, UPC return to grassroots, and JEEMA, CP, and PPP test their strength. The field was expanding, but still dominated by liberation-era formations.
2021: The earthquake came. The National Unity Platform under Robert Kyagulanyi Sentamu mobilized urban youth, artists, and first-time voters. NUP’s performance — winning 57 parliamentary seats and sweeping Kampala and Buganda — proved that political space was not closed. Ideas, not just history, could win votes.
2026: The recently concluded general elections confirmed the trend. The Electoral Commission register now lists over 30 active political parties. New formations emerged before and during the electioneering period:
– People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) associated with Dr. Kizza Besigye and Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago, seeking to consolidate reformists;
– Democratic Front (DF) led by Hon. Mathias Mpuuga, positioning as a social-democratic alternative;
– Common Man’s Party under Hon. Mubarak Munyagwa, speaking to urban informal workers;
– Revolutionary People’s Party of Henry Tumukunde’s former aide John Bulera, targeting security sector reforms;
– National Peasants Party of Kasibante Robert, amplifying rural agrarian interests;
– Plus Alliance for National Transformation, Ecological Party, and others.
This is not fragmentation. This is representation. Each new party carries a constituency that previously felt homeless under “big tent” politics.
3. Why More Parties Means More Democracy: Four Proofs
Proof 1: Participation Has Widened
Under the Movement, politics was about individual merit within one broad system. Today, a teacher in Kyebando, a market vendor in Kalerwe, or a boda rider in Bwaise can find a party that speaks their language. Voter turnout in Kawempe rose from 62% in 2006 to 71% in 2026. More parties mean more mobilization, more civic education, and more citizens who see a stake in the process. Democracy is not just voting; it is belonging.
Proof 2: Ideological Competition Is Emerging
The 1986–2005 era was about stability first. The 2006–2016 era was about “NRM vs Opposition.” The 2021–2026 era is about ideas. NUP champions youth and urban governance. DF talks social democracy and Buganda federalism. Common Man’s Party pushes for traders’ rights and tax justice. National Peasants Party demands land for tillers. When parties are forced to define themselves beyond personalities, manifestos improve, debates sharpen, and voters choose policy, not just slogans. That is democratic maturity.
Proof 3: Accountability Improves When No One Has a Monopoly
In Kawempe Division where I serve, I have mediated disputes involving supporters of 6 different parties in one parish. When NRM, NUP, FDC, DP, PFF, and DF all have mobilizers in Kyebando Central, every LC1 chairperson knows they are watched. Service delivery complaints reach my office faster because each party wants to expose the other’s failures. The result: garbage is collected quicker, boreholes are repaired, and police response improves. Multiparty competition is a public audit system that costs the taxpayer nothing.
Proof 4: Succession and Renewal Become Normal
The Movement system, for all its achievements, struggled with internal renewal. Multipartyism forces it. NRM has held regular delegates conferences. FDC survived Dr. Besigye’s retirement from elective politics. DP elected Norbert Mao and later new leadership. NUP is already debating post-Kyagulanyi strategy. PFF and DF are led by seasoned politicians who left older formations to test new ideas. A democracy where parties are born, split, merge, and retire peacefully is a democracy that will outlive all of us. That is institutionalization.
4. Answering the Critics: Is This “Too Many Parties”?
Some argue that 30+ parties signal chaos, ethnicity, or opportunism. The evidence says otherwise.
First, the law filters. The Political Parties and Organisations Act requires national character, 50 district structures, and audited books. Briefcase parties do not survive registration.
Second, voters consolidate. In 2026, although 22 presidential candidates were nominated, 94% of votes went to 3 parties. Ugandans use primaries and general elections to prune the field. Many small parties are “incubators” — they raise an issue, then ally or fold. That is healthy.
Third, coalitions are working. The 11th Parliament has NRM, NUP, FDC, DP, UPC, JEEMA, PPP, and independents. Yet key laws — PDM, Oil Revenue Management, Competition Bill — passed with multiparty input. Diversity has not paralyzed legislation; it has improved it.
Finally, compare with other democracies. Kenya has 85 registered parties. South Africa has 48 in Parliament. India has 6 national and 50+ state parties. Multipartyism is the global norm. Uganda is not late; Uganda is on time.
5. The State’s Role: Referee, Not Player
As Deputy RCC, I chair the District Security Committee. My duty is to ensure every registered party enjoys the same rights: to meet, to campaign, to criticize, and to be protected. We have provided security for NUP offices in Komamboga, for PFF rallies in Bwaise, and for NRM delegates conferences in Makerere. We have also arrested goons — from any side — who tear posters or beat mobilizers.
Deepening democracy requires a neutral state. It also requires civic education. That is why in Kawempe we host quarterly “Political Parties Liaison Meetings” with all branch chairs, Police, ISO, and EC. We read them the Public Order Management Act together. We agree on routes. We share intelligence on criminal gangs who rob campaign processions. The result: 2026 was Kawempe’s most peaceful election since 1996.
6. What Next: From Quantity to Quality
Mushrooming parties are step one. Step two is institutional strength. Parties must do four things:
1. Build Ideology: Publish a 10-year program, not just a 3-page manifesto.
2. Fundraise Legally: File returns to EC. Reject black money that compromises sovereignty.
3. Practice Internal Democracy: Hold delegates conferences, not “sole candidatures.”
4. Respect the Constitution: Win in the ballot, petition in court, not in the bush.
The state must also evolve: Amend the law to provide public funding for parties that score above 5% nationally. This reduces reliance on wealthy founders and curbs commercialization of politics.
*Conclusion: Democracy Is a Garden*
The Movement system was the seedbed. It gave us peace to argue. Multipartyism is the garden. New parties are not weeds; they are new crops. Some will flourish, some will be pruned, but the soil is richer for their presence.
When I see PFF and DF holding rallies in the same week as NRM and NUP in Kawempe, I do not see division. I see a Uganda where a Muslim, a Catholic, a Muganda, a Munyankole, a youth, and an elder can all say “my party” and still drink tea together after. That is what we fought for.
The 28th July 2005 referendum returned the ballot. The years since have returned the choice. The mushrooming of parties is not a crisis of democracy. It is the dividend.
Let us water this garden with tolerance, law, and ideas. The harvest will be a high middle-income Uganda where power truly belongs to the people.
The writer is the Deputy RCC Kampala City-Kawempe Division/Member Rotary club of Kasangati
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