Andrew Baba: Mao, Kadaga, Babalanda, Aceng, Mayiga, Kasolo! Who Will Museveni Name Next VP?
Following his confirmation as President in the gazette and the impending swearing‑in ceremony at Kololo, President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni now turns to the delicate, almost ritualistic task of assembling the cabinet that will carry him through the next five years. Those who have watched him closely say he has been moving with a small, weather‑beaten notebook — a private ledger of names, loyalties, debts, and political equations. In it, he scribbles, crosses out, rewrites, and reconsiders, as though the future of the republic is being drafted in shorthand on its yellowing pages. But among all the positions he must fill, none weighs more heavily on his mind than the Vice Presidency. In a season where the question of political transition hangs in the air like a stubborn fog, the choice of Vice President becomes more than ceremonial. It becomes a statement of intent, a signal to allies and adversaries alike, and perhaps even a clue — however faint — about the shape of Uganda after Museveni.
For four decades, Museveni has chosen his deputies with the caution of a man handling explosives. The Vice President is the person he leaves in charge when he travels, the one who chairs cabinet in his absence, the one who symbolically stands closest to the throne. That person must be loyal beyond question, predictable beyond ambition, and politically safe beyond imagination. Yet history shows that Museveni’s choices have never been driven by loyalty alone. They have been shaped by a delicate cocktail of religion, region, and political necessity. From Dr. Samson Kisekka to Dr. Specioza Wandira Kazibwe, from Prof. Gilbert Bukenya to Edward Kiwanuka Ssekandi, and now Maj. (Rtd) Jessica Alupo, the pattern is unmistakable: Catholics have dominated the slot, balancing the Anglican Museveni in a country where religious identity still quietly shapes political legitimacy. Regionally, the story is similar. Only Buganda/Central and Eastern Uganda have produced Vice Presidents under Museveni — a reflection of electoral realities. Northern Uganda, long hostile to the NRM during the LRA war years, only warmed up to Museveni after 2016 and especially 2021. Now, with the north delivering unprecedented numbers in two consecutive elections, the political logic of rewarding them has never been stronger.
Jesica Alupo Out of The Equation?
Maj. (Rtd) Jessica Alupo has been, by all accounts, the perfect Museveni Vice President — visible but not loud, present but not ambitious, dutiful without overstepping. Like her predecessor Ssekandi, she mastered the art of being a Vice President without behaving like one. She has not built a political empire, has not cultivated a personal constituency, and has not threatened the center of power. In Museveni’s world, that is the gold standard. But politics is rarely about performance alone. With Anita Annet Among almost certain to retain the Speakership, the idea of keeping Alupo — another daughter of Teso — becomes politically awkward. Teso has already been rewarded handsomely: a Deputy CDF, a Governor of the Bank of Uganda, and the Speakership if Among stays. Adding the Vice Presidency to that list would tilt the regional balance beyond what Museveni typically tolerates. In short, Alupo’s fate may be sealed not by her performance, but by geography.
Time for Northern Uganda?
If Museveni were to follow his long‑standing logic of rewarding regions that deliver politically, Northern Uganda would be the natural destination for the next Vice President. The region’s political transformation is one of the most dramatic in recent Ugandan history. Once the epicenter of anti‑NRM sentiment, the north has, in the last two election cycles, swung decisively toward Museveni — a shift that stunned even seasoned political observers. This newfound loyalty demands recognition. And Museveni, ever the political chess master, knows that rewarding the north could consolidate this fragile but valuable alliance. But who from the north fits the bill?
Moa, Todwong, or Aceng?
If the next Vice President were to come from Acholi, Norbert Mao’s name would naturally dominate the conversation. The DP President‑General has spent the last two years positioning himself as the intellectual and political redeemer of Acholi’s lost glory. His boldness — sometimes bordering on provocation — has made him both admired and feared. His public dismissal of Anita Among as “an accidental Speaker” was not just political theatre; it was a declaration of Acholi entitlement to national leadership. As a Catholic, Mao fits Museveni’s religious balancing formula. As an Acholi, he satisfies the regional equation. As a former presidential candidate, he brings national name recognition. But therein lies the problem. Mao has twice sought Museveni’s job. His ambition is not a secret. And Museveni has historically avoided appointing ambitious men to positions that place them a heartbeat away from the presidency. The last time he tried it — with Prof. Gilbert Bukenya — it ended in a messy political divorce. Still, there is a theory circulating in the corridors of power: if Museveni endorses Among for Speaker, Mao may be consoled with the Vice Presidency. A classic Museveni move — reward the north by replacing the late Jacob Oulanyah with another Acholi, and lure the opposition into the warm embrace of government with the promise of high office. But Mao is a gamble. And Museveni rarely gambles.
If Mao is the wild card, Richard Todwong is the safe option. A former UPC man turned NRM loyalist, Todwong is Catholic, northern, disciplined, and ideologically aligned with the President. As NRM Secretary General, he has demonstrated loyalty without theatrics, ambition without threat, and competence without controversy. He is the kind of man Museveni likes: predictable, steady, loyal, and politically house‑trained. If Museveni wants a northern VP without the Mao headache, Todwong is the obvious choice.
Then there is Dr. Jane Ruth Aceng, the woman who broke UPC’s decades‑long dominance in Lango by defeating Betty Amongi in Lira Municipality. Her victory was not just electoral; it was symbolic. In a region where UPC still commands emotional loyalty, Aceng’s triumph signaled a shift that Museveni would be eager to consolidate. Her COVID‑19 leadership earned her national respect. Her technocratic discipline appeals to Museveni’s preference for non‑threatening deputies. But the Acholi question complicates her chances. If the north is to be rewarded, Acholi — not Lango — may argue that they have waited longer and sacrificed more. Still, Aceng remains a dark horse — quiet, competent, and politically useful.
Another VP from Busoga: Kadaga, Babalanda, Nakadama?
If Museveni decides to look eastward, Busoga becomes a strong contender. The region has produced one Vice President before — Dr. Specioza Wandira Kazibwe — and has historically been a reservoir of powerful women in Museveni’s governments: Kazibwe, Rebecca Kadaga, Kasule Lumumba, Dorothy Kisaka, Rukia Nakadama. Museveni has always trusted Basoga women with big roles. The question is: which one now?
Kadaga led Museveni’s campaigns in Busoga with ruthless efficiency, flipping a region that had drifted toward NUP in 2021. Her loyalty has been inconsistent over the years, but age and political maturity have softened her edges. Many believe she is due for one final, historic elevation. But Kadaga comes with baggage — old rivalries, old grudges, and a reputation for independence that Museveni has not always appreciated.
A few years ago, the idea of Babalanda as Vice President would have sounded like satire. Today, it is whispered with seriousness. As Minister for the Presidency, she has performed with quiet competence. Rumors that Museveni instructed her to seek a parliamentary seat suggest he has bigger plans for her. She is loyal, disciplined, and uncontroversial — three traits Museveni values more than charisma.
Meanwhile, Rukia Nakadama, as Third Deputy Prime Minister, stands as one of the highest‑ranking Muslim women in government. Appointing her Vice President would counter opposition narratives that the NRM is anti‑Islam. It would also give Busoga a second shot at the VP slot after Kazibwe. She ticks many boxes — gender, religion, region, loyalty.
What if it’s Buganda’s Turn?
Buganda, after a five‑year political rethink, returned to the NRM with a majority of MPs. Although Kyagulanyi’s NUP edged Museveni in the presidential vote, the region’s parliamentary shift was significant. Some argue that Buganda deserves the Vice Presidency again, having lost it in 2021 when Alupo replaced Ssekandi. If Museveni chooses a Muganda VP, it would be the fourth time since 1986.
JB Walusimbi, Peter Mayiga or Haruna Kasolo?
Former Katikkiro John Baptist Walusimbi stands out as a Catholic, a royal, and a moderate — three qualities that make him a textbook Museveni VP. His tenure as Katikkiro was marked by diplomacy, economic initiatives like the Muganzirwazza plaza, and efforts to ease tensions between Mengo and the central government. He is unambitious, respected, and ideologically compatible with Museveni’s obsession with economic transformation.
Charles Peter Mayiga’s name has floated around the VP conversation for years. His national stature, eloquence, and organizational discipline make him an attractive choice. But would he leave Mengo for Cabinet? And would Museveni risk empowering a man with such influence in Buganda?
Then there is Haruna Kasolo, the Kyotera MP and State Minister for Microfinance, whose grassroots mobilization and economic empowerment programs have earned him credibility. Naming him VP would be a strategic strike into Greater Masaka — a region long hostile to Museveni but now showing signs of political fatigue with the opposition.
The Author is a Political Observer, Journalist And Assistant RCC for Nyendo Mukungwe, Masaka City.
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