When Uganda went to the polls on January 15, 2026, the outcome in Sebei’s Kween District was nothing short of emphatic. President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni secured 34,623 votes, representing 85.65% of the total tally, while his main challenger Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, better known as Bobi Wine, managed only 4,242 votes, translating to 10.54%. This was an improvement from the 2021 elections, when Museveni polled 27,467 votes (83.5%) against Kyagulanyi’s 5,419 (16.58%). The National Resistance Movement (NRM) swept all three parliamentary seats, the district chairperson position, and the majority of councilors. At the sub-county level, fifteen of nineteen LCIII chairpersons were NRM, with the remainder leaning toward the ruling party. For the opposition, it was a complete rout; for the NRM, it was a reaffirmation of dominance in Sebei. Behind this landslide stood the quiet but firm hand of Hope Atuheire, the Resident District Commissioner of Kween.
Atuheire’s journey to this role is remarkable. On March 23, 2022, she traded her police uniform for the RDC’s office, ending a distinguished 30-year career in the Uganda Police Force. Rising through the ranks, she had served in Special Branch, Crime Intelligence, and eventually as Commandant at Nsambya Police Barracks. Her appointment was part of President Museveni’s reshuffle of RDCs, a move that underscored the importance of security-conscious leadership at the district level. Yet she quickly discovered that the RDC role was not simply an extension of her police work. “Police work and the RDC role are not the same despite both having the element of security,” she reflects. “As an RDC, you are expected to man security while maintaining a completely civilian conduct as a representative of the President who is a politician. That made all the difference.”
Her first assignment in Kween was to scrutinize the Parish Development Model (PDM), a flagship government program designed to lift millions of Ugandans out of subsistence farming into the money economy. What she found was troubling: extortion by officials, nepotism in beneficiary selection, and widespread misinformation. Some locals believed the PDM funds were a “thank you” from government for supporting NRM, rather than an empowerment initiative. Others were coerced into paying bribes to be included on beneficiary lists. Atuheire moved swiftly, organizing community barazas, radio sensitizations, and direct interventions. One story stands out: Mama Gogo Kisa of Aromani village, who defied intimidation and reported officials demanding 100,000 shillings before listing her as a beneficiary. With Atuheire’s intervention, she received her funds, bought a cow, and became a model success story. When Museveni toured Kween in 2025, Mama Kisa was showcased as a shining example of the PDM’s impact. Such interventions restored public confidence and turned potential discontent into renewed support for the ruling party.
Beyond fixing government programs, Atuheire spearheaded voter registration drives, ensuring that eligible citizens were on the Electoral Commission’s rolls. She emphasized peaceful NRM primaries, insisting that flagbearers reflect the genuine will of voters. This minimized internal disputes and allowed NRM candidates to campaign as a united front. “NRM flagbearers in Kween moved and campaigned together as a team, which made it easy for voters to keep their support united,” she notes. Constant engagement with candidates at all levels reinforced this cohesion, ultimately benefitting Museveni himself. Analysts point out that such unity was critical in districts like Kween, where opposition parties often rely on exploiting internal divisions within the ruling party.
Another factor was the expansion of the RDC office. The addition of Assistant RDCs increased capacity, allowing for broader coverage of the district. “It was very hard for one RDC and a deputy to be in every part of the district, but with more staff, work was simplified. Monitoring and supervision of government programs became easier, and people’s concerns could now be addressed adequately,” she explains. Support from the Office of the President, under Minister Milly Babalanda, also proved pivotal. Enhanced staff welfare, transport facilitation, and allowances for outreach programs boosted morale and efficiency. Visits by top officials, including Permanent Secretary Hajji Yunus Kakande, provided encouragement and guidance. In November 2025, Minister Babalanda personally visited Kween, persuading scores of former opposition supporters to cross to NRM—a symbolic and strategic victory that further consolidated the ruling party’s base.
Elections in Uganda are often tense, with fears of clashes and allegations of malpractice. Yet Kween remained largely peaceful. Atuheire attributes this to clear role demarcation: “In Kween, everyone knew their role and stuck to it. We knew our mandate was securing the process, not announcing winners, and we stuck to that.” Massive sensitization drives discouraged riots and disruptions. Radio talk shows and community meetings emphasized peace, while stakeholders—candidates, opinion leaders, and elected officials—were engaged to reinforce stability. The result was a district that navigated the electoral period without major incidents, a stark contrast to reports of unrest elsewhere.
Kween’s story mirrors the broader Sebei sub-region, where Museveni’s support has historically been strong. Analysts point to several factors: the region’s reliance on government programs, the NRM’s deep organizational roots, and the RDCs’ role in bridging the gap between central government and local communities. Nationally, Museveni’s 2026 victory was characterized by similar patterns. According to the Electoral Commission, he secured over 60% of the vote nationwide, maintaining his dominance despite challenges from a youthful opposition. Programs like PDM, Emyooga, and infrastructure projects were repeatedly cited as reasons for continued support. In districts like Kween, however, the margin was particularly striking—testament to the effectiveness of local mobilization and leadership.
For Atuheire, the journey has been transformative. “I extend appreciation to the President for identifying me among many Ugandans and giving me an opportunity to serve in this capacity. It has equipped me to become a better person,” she says with gratitude. Her story is not just about one district or one election. It is about the evolving role of RDCs in Uganda’s political landscape. Once seen primarily as security overseers, they are now central to political mobilization, program monitoring, and community engagement. Atuheire’s blend of police discipline and political sensitivity exemplifies this shift. Her ability to detect gaps, intervene decisively, and mobilize communities has made her a key player in the NRM’s electoral machinery.
Museveni’s landslide in Kween was not accidental. It was the product of deliberate strategies: fixing government programs, ensuring peaceful primaries, mobilizing voters, expanding institutional capacity, and maintaining peace. At the heart of these efforts was Hope Atuheire, the ex-cop turned RDC, whose vigilance and dedication helped transform potential discontent into overwhelming support. As Uganda looks ahead, the lessons from Kween are clear. Electoral victories are not won in Kampala alone; they are secured in villages and sub-counties, through programs that touch lives and leaders who listen. For Museveni and the NRM, the 2026 elections reaffirmed their dominance. For Atuheire, they cemented her reputation as one of the President’s most trusted lieutenants. In her own words: “Police work taught me discipline. The RDC role taught me patience and engagement. Together, they have taught me that leadership is about service—and service is the true secret behind victory.”
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