In two of my previous writings, I have shown how colonial intrusion into Karamoja left the sub region bleeding, causing some people in Karamoja to “look as if they have reached a dead end on a one-way street in their own villages (manyattas).” As an implementer of governance and accountability activities in Karamoja, I will, in this article, explain why one may conclude that Karamoja was looted by the former British colonial rule.
My starting point will be the early 1920s when colonial civil administration began in Karamoja (Kabiito, 2021; Mukisa, 2025).
As the colonialists gained control and began managing Karamoja affairs, they viewed Karamoja’s livestock as a problem. In 1934, they developed a theory in Karamoja that livestock was causing overgrazing, leading to soil erosion (Mamdani, 1982; Ocan, 1993; Muhereza, 1998). Without scientific evidence, a Karamoja District Commissioner, R. D. Cordery recommended a “compulsory livestock reduction” program, which introduced the Karamoja Cattle Scheme (KCS).
Under the KCS, Karimojong’s were forced to sell their livestock to the government at a lower price than in other areas like Buganda or Lango. The compulsory sale of cattle through the Karamoja Cattle Scheme aimed to achieve three developmental goals: (i) destocking and transitioning the pastoralists to a sedentary life, (ii) raising funds for the local colonial administration, and (iii) providing proteins (beef diet) for the urban population (Quam cited in Okoth, 2023).
However, Mamdan (1982) gives a different opinion, stating that after grabbing the people’s land, the only way for the colonialists to restore a balance between limited grazing pastures and livestock was to seize the people’s cattle through the Karamoja Cattle Scheme.
Based on the above, this is why I state that Karamoja was looted of its major livestock resources leading to widespread suffering among the population. Firstly, if the Karamoja Cattle Scheme was intended for development purposes, why was there no visible development by 1962 when the British were transferring power to the natives of Karamoja? Secondly, was the sedentary lifestyle necessary for the nomadic pastoralists who were facing drought challenges in Karamoja? Furthermore, the Annual Report of the Treasurer of Karamoja for the year 1934 shows that from the estimated tax revenue of £3,600 they received an excess of £1,650.15 (Mamdan,1982). But this was from a compulsory sale of cattle by the Karimojong to the government. The final question is; did the colonial administrators invest the surplus money in Karamoja affairs? If so, where and for what specifically? In conclusion, without bias, I appeal to the British and their allies to support the development agenda in Karamoja, rather than leaving the Karamoja people to struggle in various forms of poverty.
Ayub Mukisa (PhD)
Executive Director. Karamoja Anti Corruption Coalition (KACC)
Email: ayubmukisa@gmail.com
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