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Reading: KAGENYI LUKKA: Protection of Sovereignty Bill is Good for Uganda
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Op-EdPolitics

KAGENYI LUKKA: Protection of Sovereignty Bill is Good for Uganda

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Kagenyi Lukka
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Sovereignty Is Not a Slogan
Every nation has a flag, an anthem, and borders. But real sovereignty is the power to decide. To tax. To spend. To teach. To trade. To judge. For too long, young nations have been told that sovereignty ends at elections. That once we vote, foreign embassies, donors, and NGOs should co-govern through conditions, threats, and “policy advice.” Uganda has been independent since 1962. It is time our laws said so. A Protection of Sovereignty Bill is not anti-West or anti-East. It is pro-Uganda. It is the legal shield that says: “In this house, the Constitution of Uganda is supreme. Parliament decides. The people decide.”

1. What the Bill Does: Putting Article 2 into Practice

Article 2(1) of the 1995 Constitution states: “This Constitution is the supreme law of Uganda and shall have binding force on all authorities and persons throughout Uganda.” Yet every year we see contracts, grants, and NGO programs that attempt to override Parliament.

A Sovereignty Bill operationalizes Article 2. It does four things:

1. Bans foreign directives from being implemented in Uganda if they contradict our Constitution, Acts of Parliament, or Cabinet decisions.

2. Requires transparency from any Ugandan individual or NGO that receives foreign money for political, legal, or cultural advocacy. Register, declare, and be audited.

3. Protects strategic assets — oil, minerals, coffee exchange, NIRA data, national grid — from foreign veto or secret arbitration clauses.

4. Enforces reciprocity— if a foreign government sanctions Ugandans, Uganda may sanction back. Respect must be mutual.

This is not new. The United States has had the Foreign Agents Registration Act since 1938. The European Union passed its Digital Sovereignty Act. Rwanda, Kenya, and Botswana have similar laws. Uganda is not being radical. Uganda is catching up.

2. Why Uganda Needs It Now: Five Fronts

First: Economic Sovereignty

Uganda’s oil is coming in Q4 2026. EACOP, the refinery, and petrochemicals will earn $3bn+ annually. TotalEnergies and CNOOC are partners, not owners. But we have seen activists funded from abroad filing cases in foreign courts to stop our pipeline. We have seen lenders threaten to pull money if we do not adopt policies written in Brussels. A Sovereignty Bill says: “Our oil. Our rules. Our courts.” Parliament approved the oil laws. Parliament can amend them. No foreign NGO should have a veto.

Coffee is the same. We earned $1.14bn in FY2023/24. The EU Deforestation Regulation is good for traceability. But if tomorrow the EU says “no roasted coffee from Uganda,” do we obey or starve? The Bill requires that any trade condition affecting a strategic crop must be tabled in Parliament first. We negotiate as equals, not subjects.

Second: Cultural Sovereignty

Article 31 and the Anti-Homosexuality Act 2023 reflect the values of 90% of Ugandans. You may agree or disagree. But they are law. Yet every month my office in Kawempe receives reports of foreign-funded school programs teaching children contrary norms. A Sovereignty Bill requires Ministry of Education clearance for any foreign curriculum. It is not censorship. It is parenting. Ugandans will decide what Ugandan children learn, the same way Americans decide what American children learn.

Third: Data Sovereignty

In Kawempe, PDM SACCOs register on government systems. URA uses EFRIS. EC holds biometric voter data. If all that data is stored on servers in Ireland or USA, are we truly independent? The Bill will compel data localization for government and critical infrastructure. Facebook can operate here, but it must have a Uganda office and answer to UCC. Sovereignty without data is a myth.

Fourth: Political Sovereignty

Elections are for Ugandans. Yet every cycle we see millions of dollars flow to “civic education” NGOs that campaign for specific outcomes. Others fund petitions to overturn laws passed by our Parliament. The Bill will require any entity engaging in political advocacy with foreign money to register as a “foreign agent.” They can speak. But they must label the speech: “This message paid for by Country X.” Transparency is democracy.

Fifth: Legal Sovereignty

Ugandan courts must be the final arbiters of Ugandan disputes. We cannot have contracts that say “any dispute shall be settled in London.” The Bill will restrict foreign arbitration for strategic contracts unless Cabinet approves with reasons tabled in Parliament. Why should a dispute over our refinery be decided by a judge who has never been to Hoima?

3. Answering the Fear: “Won’t This Scare Investors and Donors?”

No. Investors love clarity. Rwanda passed a similar law. FDI rose. Botswana ring-fenced minerals. Investors came because the rules were clear. What scares investors is uncertainty — when a minister says yes, an NGO says no, and a foreign embassy tweets. A Sovereignty Bill ends that confusion.

As for donors: Uganda wants trade, not aid. SGR, coffee, oil, tourism, and gold will earn $15bn yearly by 2030. We will borrow on markets, not beg. And when we do take grants, they will align with Vision 2040, not replace it. China, UAE, and Turkey do not attach cultural conditions to loans. The West can choose: respect or keep your money. Uganda will still grow.

4. What the Bill Is Not

1. Not Isolation: Uganda will stay in EAC, AU, UN, WTO. We will trade with everyone. But we will sign deals as a sovereign state.

2. Not Anti-Human Rights: Article 43 already balances rights with public interest. The Bill defends the right of 45 million Ugandans to self-determination — the first human right.

3. Not Against NGOs: NGOs that build schools, hospitals, and boreholes are welcome. NGOs that run parallel governments are not.

5. Kawempe’s View: Sovereignty on the Ground

In Bwaise, a women’s group got UGX 1m each from PDM. They now supply matooke to hotels. No donor told them what to grow. That is sovereignty.

In Kyebando, we closed an illegal street clinic funded from abroad that was teaching children against Ugandan law. Parents thanked us. That is sovereignty.
When I enforce trade order and remove kiosks from drainage, I am told “human rights.” I ask: “Whose rights? The child who dies of cholera or the kiosk owner on a road reserve?” Sovereignty means choosing the child.

Conclusion: A Shield, Not a Sword
Mzee Kenyatta said, “We do not want to be guests in our own country.” A Protection of Sovereignty Bill makes sure we are hosts. It does not stop foreigners from coming. It stops them from ruling.

Parliament should debate it. Citizens should read it. And when passed, every Citizen should enforce it. Because the next phase of Uganda’s journey — oil, upper middle-income, 300 million EAC customers — requires one thing: that decisions about Uganda are made in Uganda, by Ugandans, for Ugandans.

That is not extremism. That is independence.

The writer is the Deputy RCC Kampala City-Kawempe Division/ Member of Rotary club of Kasangati


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